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, sit at the edge of the guy's desk and say "am i doing what lyndon johnson did in the '60s? we cannot do that." >> rose: with afghanistan? >> with afghanistan. am i doingin afghanistan gha what lyndon johnson did in vietnam 40 years before. >> rose: my assumption in the surge in part-- and you assume he thinks it has strategic significance and importance there because you don't want afghanistato be a haven for terrism d at the same time when he was going through this there were only, like, 100 members of al qaeda that there. allknow that. my assumption has always been just your point. i think he was influenced by the idea that, look i'm not sure this is going to work but i'm not prepared not to the do it and see what the consequens are. i'm mo prepared to do in the this case because i've described this as a war of choice... i've described this as a war of necessity, not choice, as iq was characterized a aar choice. >> i think you're absolutely on it and what we tried to do literally in chapter 9 of this book is to describe the mind-set of obama when he was handling time and time again
behind the scenes, and he is not really lyndon johnson. this is serious now. this is his moment of leadership. this is no joke. he has got to get it done. >> nina? >> in the modern era, there isn't a lyndon johnson. the criticism of him, by david brooks most recently, is that he's too much like the senate majority leader. the president has a bully pulpit and he used it. the fact that republicans started screaming bloody murder, indicate that they are worried about it. >> charles? >> the problem is this has the feel of a town with a leader who is not leading. he has not proposed a budget t on. the one he proposed was voted down by the senate 97-0, it was so preposterous. we have a president in full campaign mode was not proposing anything at a public -- who knows whether in private. there is no democratic proposal on the table for the budget. he is demagoguing against medicare and the ryan plan. he has decided, do that and that is how you get reelected. that is why the town is laundering. >> consistency has not been a problem with republicans. they endorsed the ryan plan, which d
. but he has got to be an arm twister behind the scenes, and he is not lyndon johnson. but this is really, really serious now. this is his moment of leadership. this is no joke. he has got to get it done. >> nina? >> in the modern era, there isn't it a lyndon johnson, and the criticism of him, by david brooks this week, is that he's too much like the senate majority leader. the president has a bully pulpit, and he used it, and that at the republicans started screaming bloody murder indicates that they are worried about it. >> charles? >> the problems this at -- problem is that this has the feel of a town with a leader was not leading. he did not propose a budget -- well, the one he did it was voted down by the senate 97-0, it was so preposterous. the democrats in congress have not proposed a budget in two years. the republicans have. what we have is a president in full campaign mode was not proposing anything in public -- who knows whether in private. it seriously, there is no democratic proposal on the table for a budget. he is demagoguing against medicare and the ryan plan, and he has d
to be an arm twister behind the scenes, and he is not lyndon johnson. this is his moment of leadership. this is no joke. he has got to get it done. >> nina? >> in the modn era, there is not lyndon johnson. the criticism of him, by david brooks most recently this week, is that he is too much like the senate majority leader. the president has the bully pulpit and he used it. at that republicans started screaming bloody murder indicates that they are worried about it. >> charles? >> the problem is that this has the feel of a town whe the president, the leader is not beating. he did not propose a budget. well the one he did was voted down by the senate 97-0, it was so preposterous. the democrats in control the senate have not produce a budget in two years. republicans have. we have a president at a full campaign mode wawas not proposing anything at a public -- who knows whether in private. there is no democratic proposal on the table for a budget. he is demagoguing against medicare and the ryan plan. he has decided dohat and that is how you get reelected. that is why the town is flounderin
got to be an arm twister behind the scenes, and he is not lyndon johnson. is is his moment of leadership. this is no joke. he has got to get it done. >> nina? >> in the modern era, there is not lyndon johnson. the criticism ofim, by david brooks most recently this week, is that he is too much like the senate majority leaderer. the president has the bully pulpit and he used it. at that republicans started screaming bloody murder indicates that they are worried about it. >> charles? >> the problem is that this has the feel of a town where the president, the leader is not beating. he did not propose a budget. well the one he did was voted down by the senate 97-0, it was so preposterous. the democrats in control the senate have not produce a budget in two years. republicans have. we have a president at a full campaign mode was not proposing anything at a public -- who knows whether in private. there is no democratic proposal on the table for a budget. he is demagoguing against medicare and the ryan plan. he has deced do that and that is how you get reelected. that is why the to
did not. i mean, lyndon johnson had lots of experience with african-americans around them. and the presidents from the north are considered like iconic presidents like president kennedy who had no experience with african-americans his whole life. was not after he was interested rather late in his president in 1963 where he started to take notice of this tremendous bubbling up of the civil rights movement, you know, by the protesters in the streets. and being a world war ii veteran, he was very much admiring of physical courage and he saw the physical courage of the demonstrators and this impressed him a great deal and by the time his presidency he was assassinated he was a much different kind of president dealing with civil rights than he was initially but, of course, that was cut short. >> host: you know, one of the things that so intrigued me about your book was the bibliography. you had to have a great time looking at all these folks who wrote about their time in the white house, many in the back stairs of the white house and lots of african-americans who worked for pre
of the northern presidents did not. lyndon johnson, also from texas had experience with african-americans around him. the presidents from the north, many times, some of them are considered iconic presidents in some ways like president kennedy had no experience with african-americans his whole life. he was not interested in the civil rights issue. it's only after he became president and rather later in his presidency in 1963 where he started to take notice of this tremendous bubbling up of the civil rights movement. you know, by the protesters in the streets. and being a world war ii veteran, he was very much admiral -- admiring physical courage. he saw the physical courage of the demonstrators. this impressed him a great deal. by the time his president -- he was assassinated, of course, he was much different kind of president dealing with civil rights than he was initially. that was cut short. >> host: you know, one the things that so intrigued me about your book was the biography. because you have -- i mean you had to have -- many of them in the white house and lots of african-americans who wor
as far as president's goal who have made breakthroughs -- abraham lincoln, and lyndon johnson. it is interesting. he was not known as a pioneer in civil rights throughout his career, but after president kennedy died, in an effort to continue that legacy, he pushed far beyond what kennedy did on civil rights. even at the expense of the democratic party in the south, he did think it was the right thing to do, and he had a lot of criticism over vietnam and other things, but on civil rights, he is a landmark figure. >> going back to the influence question, i think about the four little girls in alabama, the civil rights workers that were slain, i'm just wondering, would the president having these relationships with the people that worked with them, if he was somehow influenced seen the reaction of the people who worked for him? >> that is interesting. one case of this came with bill clinton. when he was a teenager in little rock -- little rock, ark., that is when they had that little rock nine. that stayed with him for the rest of his life. he felt he could not believe the a very
which really started under franklin roosevelt and lyndon johnson, medicare, medicare and those splo exploding costs. 40 million americans on medicare, 40 million on medicaid. 24 million earned income tax credit checks. 7 million on unemployment. we've created this massive european style welfare state that simply isn't affordable. >> paul: steve, the president would say, sure, it's sustainable, all you've got to do is raising revenues and missing the other side of the balance sheet, you're not talking revenues. why don't we just raise taxes and that would be fine. >> because we would look like europe and i think that's what the democrats and especially the president wants. europe has very high taxes and one of the ways that europe finances its massive welfare state is through a value added tax on top of the other taxes that they have. i don't knowi i don't think that's the america that american voters want, but that's the decision americans have to make. do we want to raise taxes or everybody is entitled to everyone else's money or we're going to contract this thing? >> mary? >> and
like to think it is. franklin roosevelt came to power in an extraordinary situation. lyndon johnson came to power in an extraordinary situation. it is not easy to find liberal moments between those two times when the country agree on the gold and was willing to move forward and make progress in the way we would define progress. it is a tougher hall than most people who hold these values so in that respect, significant that teddy roosevelt proposed national health insurance in 1912 and every democratic president since harry truman has tried to pass that and barack obama passed it. there are a lot of weaknesses to it but it is not nothing. the first two years of his presidency was the most consequential democratic presidency in 50 years. it is not chopped liver. i don't like chopped liver. that is point ii. that point lead to the argument i make in my book which i will be signing after this panel. which is about the system and the system is -- what i call the system which have a lot of components. part of it is the filibuster in the hold and part is the legacy of the most corrupt, inc
obama is making is that he believes lyndon johnson's great society entitlements can elevate the poor to prosperity. they can't. in 1965, the poverty rate in this country stood at 14%. now, after untold trillions have been spent fighting poverty, the poverty rate is 14.3%. amazing, is it not? the conclusion, america is bankrupting itself with an entitlement philosophy that does little. and that's the memo. now for the top story tonight, according to a consulting firm mackenzie and company, 20% of american men ages 25 to 64 are currently not working. that's up 13 points since 1970. if the study is true, that's obviously a massive problem. here now to analyze our barack and hard place duo monica crowley and alan colmes. colmes, all of the trillions spent on the poverty programs and the poverty rate is almost exactly the same. >> i have got to disagree with your statement in talking points that somehow this president is like lyndon johnson's great society wanting all these entitlement programs. he has offered to cut medicaid, medicare and social security which, by the way is not an entit
and in the lyndon johnson's great society. i commend you -- i commend to you and to my colleagues here on article by thomas darling in "barons" on june 25. in that article, he describes the historical underpinnings of the entitlement philosophy that has brought our budget to what you have called an unsustainable path. let me quote from that article. lyndon johnson recorded all his conversations and they're there for us to see. in speaking in march of 1965, with his press secretary bill morris, this motivation for medicare -- this is woody said. >> i have never seen one have too much health benefits. when they come to me and say that we have to have 400 million more so we can take care of some doctor bills, i am for it. i'll always sent my mother $100 when she asked. i listed because i thought she was entitled to it. that is what we have been doing with medicare. when wilbur mills called president johnson to tell him that medicare had passed, that conversation was recorded, too. here's what wilbur mills said to president johnson. "i think we got you something that we will not only run on in 1960,
came to power in an extra in a situation. lyndon johnson came to power in an extra in a situation. it's not that easy to find liberal moments between the two times where the country agreed on the goals and is willing to move forward. and make progress in the way that we would define progress. it's a much tougher haul than most people who hold these guys, as i do, understand. so in that respect the fact, it's significant that teddy roosevelt proposed national health insurance in 1912. and every democratic president since harry truman has tried to pass it. and barack obama somehow passed it. there's a lot of weaknesses to a. but it not nothing. his presidency, the first two years of this president with the most consequential democratic presidency in 50 years. it's not chopped liver. i don't like chopped liver. [laughter] >> so, that is point number two. that point lead to the argument that i made in my book, "kabuki democracy" which i'll be signing after this now. which is about the system. and the system is what i call the system which has a lot of components. part of it is filibustere
secretary to lyndon johnson. the deepest, brightest, most fascinating interviews from bill moyers journal are collected in this book of the same name. bill, so happy to have you here. >> pleasure to be with you, rachel. >> one of the things i was struck by in reading your book and watching the show is the respect that you have for individual journalists. and the contrasting worry you have about the media as an institution today. how do you think we are doing at explaining our role to each other? >> not that well. i mean, some journalists do it very well, and others don't. but we don't explain it very well to the public at large. and i guess we can't. the murdoch scandal doesn't help. a group of people already held in low repute by the public at large. in fact, it's very interesting that what rupert murdoch had been doing to the royal family, to parties of england, to celebrities, didn't create much stir. in fact, lots of people liked it. but when the hacking apparently and allegedly went into the family of the phones of this little girl, who was murdered, and they thought for a while she
to there was a light off in the distance. i still remember lyndon johnson talking about that light at the end of the tunnel. and how the joke was probably some vietcong. [laughter] mariska is a deep sadness that i feel to even raise that. he knows that. he knows about the light at the end of the tunnel. that is why he played around with the phraseology. that is what he is thinking in what is in his mind. to me, that is very sad because it suggests that the end of the day he really doesn't know how we will get out of their. he plays with different formulas kicking the can down the road. when he started december 2009 saying he will have the surge troops go in in that was 30,000. they did not get there until the tail end of the summer so they have won fighting season and they claim to have done quite well. but at this point* you can be sympathetic to the military point* of view to say if you want to get another two or three seasons you could hurt the other guys. general petraeus told the number of his people the most important thing for us right now is to hurt them and turn them bowed. and then
contractors, later, later. i'll be getting to you as soon as i can. what would lyndon johnson do in a situation like this? not this. >> that's true. it is time to play hardball. i think democrats and progressives were heartened, i think, by the president's press conference last wednesday when he essentially drew a line in the sand. it's unclear whether he moved that line or kind of kept it where it was today, but, you know, we'll see. what's the ending here. >> here's the end game. this is why from the beginning i've been shocked. the end game is sachs owns a lot of treasuries. people think it's the chinese, no, you have treasuries in your 401(k) and are we really going to -- is wall street going to tolerate running through the red light on this? >> a lot of the worst disasters happen without trying to get to that point. everybody believes you're going to be able to pull off the highway before you hit the traffic jam, then you discover it's something unimaginably worse. that's where, i think, the president has disserved the country, his party, i hold no brief for his party. i wou
infection during her presidential campaign and received high-profile visitors, including lyndon johnson. presidents have also visited to support the wounded troops, and entertainers dropped by to help the soldiers forget their troubles, at least for a few hours. in recent years the hospital became a cutting-edge facility for prosthetics for soldiers losing a limb, and also suffered a black eye in 2007 for substandard living conditions in one of the outpatient buildings. the writing was on the wall. it was decided in 2005 walter reed should close its doors. the oldest buildings on the walter reed campus will be saved as historic landmarks, while some will be shops or residences, and others turned over to the state department, but the important work of helping the veterans will go on. the new facility will be the walter reed national military medical center. >> the air force is trying to determine what went wrong with an unarmed intercontinental ballistic missile this morning. flight commanders destroyed the minutemen 3 icbm five minutes after takeoff over safety concerns. it was the seco
's right. >> and the public apparently accepted that. >> 80 years later. lyndon johnson running against barry goldwater? >> yeah, this is the classic of modern negative campaign ad. the daisy ad. the girl picking flowers. >> john: starts innocently enough. >> and it's going to start a countdown for a nuclear bomb being dropped and implication is that barry goldwater was a mad bomber. a magazine called fact wrote a name claim being he was insane. >> and it was talked about so much, it had impact. >> these are the stakes to make a world in which all of god's children can live, or to go into the dark. >> we must either love each other or we must die. >> there was a ton of stuff slung at barry goldwater, that he was a fascist, that he was a member of the john bird society which he was not, that he was like hitler or stalin according to some psychiatrists who kind of psycho analyzed him from a distance and he won a defamation suit against the fact magazine. >> we have a cover of the magazine that made the claims by the psychiatrists and he sued and they had made it up? >> yes, but that has n
with that and a time when violence against public officials was virtually unheard of. how lyndon johnson felt it, where robert kennedy would have gone, and how johnson with assumptions and a mind-set so different would have dealt with civil-rights or with the cuban missile crisis? that is one of the questions i have tried to answer in this book called then everything changed. what this is is a trio of alternative histories the center on contemporary american politics or at least contemporary for some of us. they are all rooted in one common notion, and that is that the smallest twist and turn of fate can produce radical consequences. they are written as a fictional narratives with dialogue and a message of scenes, but they are all histories. i try to ground the men plausibility. based on opossum believes an insult to of the impulses of the players as john from history's tomorrow histories, biographies, and several interviews. and the common thread is that history does not turn on a dime. it turns on a plugged nickel. there were theories of history that focus on geography, climate, natural resources, th
would lyndon johnson went out with a traumatized nation? fairwood roderick kennedy have gone and how at howard johnson with assumptions and a mindset so different from that of john kennedy's have doubtless celebrates? or with the cuban missile crisis? that is one of the questions i try to answer in this book called "the everything changed." it is a trio of histories that enron politics are these contemporary were some of us. they are all rooted in one common notion and that is that the smallest twist and turn of fate can produce radical consequences. bear witness fictional narratives, not defense but dialogue and with imagined scenes, but they all histories i try to ground and plausibility that are based on the thoughts and beliefs that impulse and mistakes of the players who strung from histories oral histories, biographies and several interviews with people who knew these players. in the common thread is that history doesn't turn on a dime. it turns on a plugged nickel. there were theories about history to focus on geography, climate, natural resources, theology, ideology, mass mov
-american to be a cabinet member. he was ahead of hud under i believe lyndon johnson. before that their african-americans in the white house. talk about what we did before we were cabinet members. >> you know, in the very beginning course we had sort of been appalling history of our president and the race issue. eight of our first half as slaves in the white house. they were the virginia planters, southern planters and they thought that slavery was part of their
Search Results 0 to 49 of about 94 (some duplicates have been removed)